|
|
|
DUI COURTS WEB SITE |
|
|
|
|
Comparison of DUI and Drug Courts
Reduced to their common denominators, the population of a drug court can be defined as persons who have a drug problem, are charged with a drug offense or another offense motivated by a drug problem, and are nonviolent. The DUI court population can be defined as persons charged with a DUI offense and who have indicators of a serious alcohol problem (e.g., prior alcohol arrests or convictions, or high BAC at the time of arrest). Offenders in both groups share some common personal characteristics. Each offender has a substance abuse problem that is taking control of his or her life. Each requires comprehensive treatment, a strong support system, and the ability to come to terms with his or her problem before real change can occur. The personal characteristics typical of the two classes of offender differ in some ways. DUI offenders tend to be employed, and to have emotional resources that are helpful to recovery, such as family, education, or religion. Drug offenders are often out of work and unable to support themselves. With the exception of social assistance, they have little in the way of financial or emotional support. DUI offenders have a "legal orientation," and drug court offenders an "illegal orientation." That is, because alcohol is legal, DUI offenders see themselves as being on the "right side" of the law, even though they use alcohol in an illegal way. Drug offenders ingest an illegal substance, and have few illusions about the side of the law on which they stand. The DUI offender who is likely to be a candidate for a DUI court program is a repeat offender - arrested two, three, or more times for an alcohol-related traffic offense. Repeat offenders account for about one-third of the arrests made annually; they are considered good candidates in part because limited resources translate into a limited number of seats in DUI/Drug Court, but also because serious DUI offenders are more likely to be in need of a DUI/Drug Court program. Conversely, a typical drug court defendant (charged with a drug-related offense) may not be facing his or her first offense, but is less likely to be considered a serious offender. DUI offenders are predominantly male (78 percent) and tend to be slightly older (25-44) than drug offenders (18-44). In fact, while the DUI arrest rates for all age groups have declined in recent years, the declines for persons aged 35-44 are much smaller than those for other groups. For instance, from 1990 to 1996 DUI arrest rates declined 23.5 percent for drivers at age 23 and 18.5 percent for driver's age 50 or older. Rates for drivers in the 35-39 and 40-44 age groups went down only 7.6 percent and 6.7 percent respectively (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1998). Finally, DUI offender are often in a state of denial about their substance abuse. Their drug-using counterparts, about half of whom are male and half female, tend to have a more realistic perception of their addiction.
In 1997, the Drug Court Standards Committee of the National Association of Drug Court Professionals, with the support of the Drug Courts Program Office, designated the ten key components of drug courts (NADCP, 1997) and established these components as benchmarks for performance describing "the very best practices, designs, and operations of drug courts." In their effort to define DUI courts, the DUI/Drug Court Advisory Panel explored the goals of DUI court proponents and the state of DUI courts operation today, and compared them to drug courts in terms of the ten key components. They identified a number of similarities between DUI and drug courts in terms of goals and populations served. Across the board, they also cited numerous differences. In some cases, the differences are necessary responses to distinctions between the two populations. In other cases, the differences point to needs of the DUI court community that can be met by collaborating with the drug court community. The principal findings follow. Drug Court Component 1: Drug courts
integrate alcohol and other drug treatment services with justice system
case processing. Drug Court Component 2: Using a
nonadversarial approach, prosecution and defense counsel promote public
safety while protecting participants' due process rights. Drug Court Component 3: Eligible
participants are identified early and promptly placed in the drug court
program. Drug Court Component 4: Drug courts
provide access to a continuum of alcohol, drug and other related treatment
and rehabilitation services. Drug Court Component 5: Abstinence
is monitored by frequent alcohol and other drug testing. Testing technologies employed in DUI courts around the country include state-of-the-art voice recognition and testing (i.e., testing devices that can detect alcohol use via telephone), interlock devices on automobiles, and hand-held testers. Testing is usually random and frequent; some jurisdictions require offenders to call in daily and to submit to testing on demand. The advantages of personal relationships between practitioners and offenders take on increases meaning when working with alcohol offenders, especially in low-population areas where residents tend to know each other by sight. Court practitioners and law enforcement officers develop an awareness of who is in their programs; they visit with offenders often, and observe their activities both in homes and around town. Drug Court Component 6: A
coordinated strategy governs drug court responses to participants'
compliance. The law and public opinion narrow the list of sanctions and incentives that can be used in DUI cases and give a judge less flexibility in imposing them. Quicker imposition and the use of more severe sanctions are often mandated by law or demanded by the community. Incentives are also limited. Case dismissal may not be an option, and close supervision and testing are essential for public safety. One effective incentive that can sometimes be utilized is the lessening of driver's license restrictions. Drug Court Component 7: Ongoing
judicial interaction with each drug court participant is essential. In some courts, the judge may have less discretion in levying sanctions and incentives on DUI offenders than he or she would have when working with drug cases. In other courts, the rules of the court leave the judge little discretion in these matters regardless of the offense. Drug Court Component 8: Monitoring
and evaluation measure the achievement of program goals and gauge
effectiveness. At this time, DUI courts patterned after or resembling the drug court model touch only a fraction of all DUI cases. Most cases are heard in courts where comprehensive treatment and close supervision are not part of the program. Adequate evaluation systems and accurate documentation of evaluation efforts are necessary if the influence of the drug court model on DUI offenders is to be expanded. Drug Court Component 9: Continuing
interdisciplinary education promotes effective drug court planning,
implementation, and operations. Drug Court Component 10: Forging
partnerships among drug courts, public agencies, and community-based
organizations generates local support and enhances drug court program
effectiveness. Home
Page DUI
Courts News Why
DUI Courts? DUI
Court Mission This web
page was created by the American
Council on Alcoholism This page was last updated on 4-30-2003. |
Menu Home Page
DUI Courts News
Why DUI Courts?
DUI Court Mission
Drug Court Model
Comparison
Challenges
Strategy
Revia Project
DUI Court Links